Iran’s Nuclear Weapons Program: On Course, Underground, Uninspected

Alireza Jafarzadeh, deputy director of NCRI’s Washington office, provided a devastating expose of the ongoing activities of the Organization of Defensive Innovation and Research (SPND), the Tehran-based element of the Iranian Ministry of Defense that has primary responsibility for the regime’s nuclear weapons development.

Source: Iran’s Nuclear Weapons Program: On Course, Underground, Uninspected

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Iran’s Nuclear Weapons Program: On Course, Underground, Uninspected

Clare Lopez–The Iranian regime’s nuclear weapons program, born in secrecy and kept hidden for years, has never skipped a beat and today continues on course in underground and military facilities to which inspectors have no access. On 21 April 2017, the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), the oldest, largest, and best organized democratic Iranian opposition group presented startling new evidence that the jihadist regime in Tehran is violating the terms of the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action) agreement reached in July 2015 among the P-5 +1 (Permanent Five Members of the UN Security Council plus Germany), the IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency), and Iran.

As will be recalled, it was the NCRI that first blew the lid off Iran’s clandestine nuclear weapons program in 2002, at a time when it had been in progress for at least fourteen years (since 1988), unbeknownst to most of the world, including the IAEA. Virtually all of the Iranian nuclear sites now known publicly were only retroactively ‘declared’ by the mullahs’ regime after exposure: the Natanz enrichment site, Isfahan conversion site, Fordow enrichment and Research and Development (R&D) site, Lavizan-Shian, and more. Regularly corroborated additional revelations since 2002 by the NCRI have built a record of credibility that should prompt a closer official look at these new reports by the U.S. State and Defense Departments, National Security Council (NSC), and White House.

Alireza Jafarzadeh, deputy director of NCRI’s Washington office, provided a devastating expose of the ongoing activities of the Organization of Defensive Innovation and Research (SPND), the Tehran-based element of the Iranian Ministry of Defense that has primary responsibility for the regime’s nuclear weapons development. The SPND, established in February 2011, was officially sanctioned by the U.S. Department of State in August 2014 for engaging in nuclear weapons R&D.   Mohsen Fakhrizadeh(aka Dr. Hassan Mohseni), the founder and director of the SPND and a veteran IRGC (Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps) brigadier general, was designated individually under UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1747 in 2007 and by the U.S. in July 2008 for his involvement in Iran’s proscribed WMD activities. Despite these designations, and the IAEA’s failure to resolve the many critical indicators of “Possible Military Dimensions” related to Iran’s nuclear program as specified in the November 2011 IAEA Board of Governors report, the July 2015 JCPOA inexplicably lifted sanctions against the SPND.

OrgChart

It is hardly surprising, then, to learn that the SPND not only continues critical weaponization research involving nuclear warheads, triggers, and explosives, but has expanded that work at each of seven subordinate locations. One of these, revealed by the NCRI in 2009 but never declared to the IAEA, is the Center for Research and Expansion of Technologies on Explosions and Impact (Markaz-e Tahghighat va Tose’e Fanavari-e Enfejar va Zarbeh or METFAZ), which works on triggers and high-impact, non-conventional explosives. The current METFAZ director is a Ministry of Defense engineer named Mohammad Ferdowsi, whose expertise is in high explosives. Ferdowsi also serves as chairman of the board of directors of the High-Explosive Society of Malek Ashtar University (affiliated with the Defense Ministry).

After conclusion of the July 2015 JCPOA, much of METFAZ’s personnel and work was moved to the Parchin military facility for better cover and security. Parchin Chemical Industries, an element of Iran’s Defense Industries Organization (DIO), was sanctioned by the U.S. Department of the Treasury in 2008 for importing “a chemical precursor for solid propellant oxidizer, possibly to be used for ballistic missiles.” Parchin is the location where the IAEA long suspected Iran was conducting test explosions for nuclear detonators. In October 2014, Iran finally admitted to using Parchin to test exploding bridge wires, but implausibly claimed they were not for weapons development. Equally incredibly, the IAEA concluded a secret side deal with Iran that allowed it to collect its own samples at Parchin—in which the IAEA in fact did find evidence of enriched uranium. But despite that and more evidence, the JCPOA was concluded and sanctions against Parchin Chemical Industries were lifted.

Within Parchin are twelve separate military and missile complexes. According to the NCRI’s new information, METFAZ has established a new location within one of these that is near the center of Parchin and referred to simply as the “Research Academy” in SPND internal communications. Located on the sprawling Parchin complex some 30 miles southeast of Tehran, the new METFAZ center is called the Chemical Plan of Zeinoddin and is located in a section called Plan 6. It’s completely fenced in and protected by heavy security under control of the IRGC’s Intelligence Service. What goes on there is concealed from the IAEA, and likely with good reason.

SPND

Old and New Locations for the SPND

Parchin

METFAZ’s Research Academy Location within Parchin Plan 6 Area

Lambasting the Iranian regime for its ongoing regional aggression and support to terrorist organizations, as Secretary of State Tillerson did on 20 April 2017, is certainly a step in the right direction. Noting that after ten years, Iran can break out and build all the bombs it wants is also a useful observation. But neither of those comes close to fulfilling the Trump campaign pledge to “rip up” the JCPOA – or hold Iran accountable for its violations of the JCPOA. Secretary Tillerson’s 18 April letter to U.S. House of Representatives Speaker Paul Ryan, certifying that Iran was in compliance with the 2015 deal, simply cannot be squared with the NCRI’s latest revelations, which it has shared with both the U.S. government and the IAEA. Indeed, the independent Institute for Science and International Security (ISIS) issued a March 3, 2017 report in which it explicitly states about the IAEA’s 24 February 2017 Quarterly report, “Nowhere in the report does the IAEA state that Iran is fully compliant with the JCPOA, and it should not make that judgement.”

The real problem with the JCPOA—and why it needs to be ripped to shreds—is not what’s in it: it’s what’s been left out or exempted in any number of secret side deals that the U.S. and IAEA concluded with the Iranians. Among critical issues either explicitly permitted or simply not covered in the JCPOA are the following:

  • Iran keeps its entire nuclear infrastructure intact
  • Iran keeps all its centrifuges and is allowed to work on newer models
  • Iran can deny IAEA inspectors access to any site it seeks to keep off-limits
  • Iran can continue its ballistic missile nuclear weapons delivery system research, development, and testing
  • Iran’s nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons and ballistic missile collaboration with North Korea is not mentioned in the JCPOA
  • Iran’s ongoing support for terrorism is off-limits for the JCPOA
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Divided Turkey…Erdogan Leads His Country into the Abyss

The referendum has triggered yet more uneasiness in a country that has seemed recently to be on the verge of disintegration. The mass arrests that followed the July 15 failed coup attempt have paralyzed elements of the state administration and the Turkish military is involved in conflicts in both Iraq and Syria. Even worse, tourists are staying away and the economy is struggling, with the country’s statistical office announcing one day after the referendum that unemployment has risen to a record high of 13 percent. The lira is weaker against the dollar than it has been since 1981.

Source: Divided Turkey…Erdogan Leads His Country into the Abyss

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Divided Turkey…Erdogan Leads His Country into the Abyss

Onur Burçak Belli and –Nothing can hold them back. Not the rain, not the wind and not the well-armed anti-terrorism police. On Tuesday evening, several thousand demonstrators marched through Istanbul, a diverse group including students, pensioners, women in headscarves and punks, and many of them held up signs as they walked: “No to the presidency!” They also chanted: “Thief! Murderer! Erdogan!” And: “This is just the beginning. Our fight goes on!”

The protests began on Sunday, just a few hours after President Recep Tayyip Erdogan claimed victory in the referendum that grants him significantly expanded powers and the demonstrations have become larger on each successive day since then, spreading to more than three dozen cities. People in Ankara and Izmir, in Adana and Mersin, in Edirne and Canakkale have taken to the streets in opposition to Erdogan, accusing him of having manipulated the vote on the constitutional referendum.

According to media reports, the country’s electoral commission accepted up to 2.5 million ballots despite their not having been stamped in accordance with the rules. Election observers from the OSCE found significant shortcomings with the vote, outlined in a 14-page preliminary report that also noted the unfairness of the campaign leading up to the referendum. The vote itself, the organization found, also violated some aspects of Turkish law. The opposition has refused to recognize the results.

“Erdogan robbed us of victory,” says Istanbul-based businessman Koray Türkay, who is one of the organizers of the protests in Istanbul.

For the time being, only a small portion of the Turkish population is rising up against the government, with a total of 20,000 people thought to have participated in the nationwide protests. Türkay, though, is nevertheless drawing parallels to the Gezi Park protests in summer 2013, which were ultimately crushed by the police.

More Repressive Measures

Immediately after the vote, Erdogan denied that any manipulation had taken place and claimed that the referendum had been “the most democratic election … ever seen in any Western country.” Prime Minister Binali Yildirim added that the protests were “unacceptable.” On Wednesday, dozens of protesters were detained and the police presence at the protests was boosted.

Türkay believes that more repressive measures are coming. “But we are not afraid. We will continue protesting until the referendum is repeated,” he says. Turkey, in other words, could be facing the kind of escalation that took place during the Gezi Park protests.

The vote last Sunday was the most far-reaching political decision made in Turkey’s recent history. The constitutional amendments approved in the referendum essentially sweep away what was left of democracy in Turkey, completing Turkey’s transformation from the republic of Atatürk into the republic of Erdogan.

Once the constitutional reforms come into force following the next election in 2019, the president will be able to pass laws by decree and dissolve the parliament whenever he sees fit — and the office of prime minister will also be eliminated. It will mark the end of the separation of powers in Turkey. The president alone will make decisions regarding war and peace and he will have almost complete control over the judiciary.

Some of the 18 new articles come into force immediately. The High Council of Judges and Prosecutors, for example, which supervises the judiciary, will be reduced from 22 to 13 members, four of whom can be directly appointed by Erdogan. But should he go on to win re-election, Erdogan will become practically omnipotent.

The country that he rules, though, is deeply divided and the referendum has only exacerbated those divisions, with one half of the population venerating Erdogan practically as a cult leader and the other half not even recognizing his legal right to hold the presidency.

‘A Victory, But Not a Triumph’

Indeed, Erdogan emerges from the April 16 referendum as both the victor and as the loser, with the vote having laid bare his weaknesses. Europeans are turning away from him, the debate over putting a halt to Turkish-EU accession negotiations has flared up again and the Turkish president is more isolated than ever before. He received congratulations on his referendum victory from only two Western heads of government: Donald Trump and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán.

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Erdogan has presented the referendum result as a success, even if the margin of victory — 51.4 percent to 48.6 percent — was extremely thin. But even among his supporters, there is nothing approaching a feeling of euphoria. “Erdogan has achieved a victory, but not a triumph,” writes the columnist Abdulkadier Selvi.

Indeed, given the extreme effort the government put into the referendum campaign, the result for Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) can almost be seen as a humiliation. Together, the AKP and the right-wing extremist MHP party received more than 60 percent of the vote in the last parliamentary elections and they joined forces ahead of this referendum, assuming they would receive an equal level of support. Now, though, Erdogan’s advantage has shrunk to a paltry 2.8 percentage points.

And this despite the fact that Erdogan leaned heavily on the state authorities prior to the vote — on the police, on the administration and on imams in the mosques. Most media outlets paid no attention whatsoever to opponents of the constitutional amendments, opposition protests were prohibited and “no”-camp activists were arrested.

Erdogan’s edge is so thin that it isn’t even clear that he will be re-elected in 2019 so that he can exercise the unlimited powers that the referendum was designed to give him. AKP politicians are thus expecting that Erdogan won’t wait that long and will call snap elections much earlier. But such a move also seems risky. Erdogan suddenly seems vulnerable.

The Turkish president is falling victim to the demographic shift that he himself promoted. In the last two decades, millions of Turks have moved from the countryside to the cities, they have profited from the country’s now stalling economic boom and improved their lots in life. The number of universities in Turkey has doubled.

Reasserting Strength

Paradoxically, a young, urban middle class has developed under the leadership of the AKP, one that is religious, but which is also oriented towards Europe and isn’t interested in living in an autocracy. The result is that Erdogan lost in three of the country’s largest cities. Even in Üsküdar, the conservative-leaning quarter of Istanbul where Erdogan lives, a slim majority voted against the constitutional referendum.

Erdogan is likely to follow up his narrow referendum victory with an attempt to reassert his strength. The constitutional reform includes a provision that releases the president from political neutrality requirements, which means Erdogan can once again become the head of his party — and he will no doubt seek to use that position to unify the AKP, which has recently shown signs of division. Prime Minister Yildirim announced on Wednesday that the cabinet will soon be reshuffled and AKP officials are likely to soon find themselves being monitored even more closely by the presidential palace.

The move, though, isn’t likely to solve the fundamental problem facing the AKP: The connection between party leaders and the grassroots has frayed in many places, with the conflict between Erdogan and the Islamist movement led by the cleric Fethullah Gülen having alienated a huge number of supporters. Erdogan’s coalition partner, the MHP, has also emerged weakened from the referendum. According to one survey, two-thirds of MHP supporters voted “no,” defying the recommendation of party leaders. Prominent dissidents like former Turkish Interior Minister Meral Aksener could even take the step of forming their own party, which would leave Erdogan facing a serious challenge from the center-right political camp for the first time.

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The opposition, too, is hopeful despite its defeat. It was long divided between Kemalists, nationalist, Kurds and socialists, “but April 16 has shown us that we can beat Erdogan if we work together,” says Sezgin Tanrikulu, a member of parliament with the secular Republican People’s Party (CHP).

On the Wednesday following the referendum, Tanrikulu is sitting in the Istanbul tea garden from which leftist students launched the fight against the military dictatorship 40 years ago and which still serves as a meeting point for critics of the regime. It takes him fully 30 minutes to recite the irregularities that marred the referendum. In several polling stations, he says, police forced people to vote “yes,” and the state-run news agency Ajansi announced the results before all the votes were counted. There are likewise videos in circulation showing election volunteers replacing significant numbers of “no” votes with “yes” ones.

A Simple Calculation

But Tanrikulu is particularly bothered by the electoral commission’s decision to recognize unstamped ballots. In 2014, AKP ordered a regional election to be repeated for precisely this reason.

Members of the electoral commission are unable — or unwilling — to say where the ballots came from or how many of them there were, and they have neither confirmed nor denied the 2.5 million number that election observers have cited. Without additional investigation, it will likely never be possible to say for sure whether the questionable votes affected the outcome of the referendum.

Tanrikulu makes a simple calculation: The “yes”-camp won the referendum by around 1.2 million votes. Should it emerge that only half of the unofficial ballots were manipulated, the result would have been different. “You can’t change the constitution on that basis,” he says.

On Wednesday, the complaint lodged by CHP with the electoral commission was dismissed and the party has now announced it plans to go to the Constitutional Court, Turkey’s highest legal body. It has also threatened to pull out of parliament. Tanrikulu, though, doesn’t think that the effort will ultimately be successful. In Turkey, he says, the rule of law has long since been suspended.

Opposing Erdogan is risky, as the persecution of thousands of opposition activists as alleged terrorists in recent months has shown. And Tanrikulu isn’t immune. Pro-government media outlets have called for his arrest, with the newspaper Yeni Akitwriting: “Why is this man still free?”

The referendum has triggered yet more uneasiness in a country that has seemed recently to be on the verge of disintegration. The mass arrests that followed the July 15 failed coup attempt have paralyzed elements of the state administration and the Turkish military is involved in conflicts in both Iraq and Syria. Even worse, tourists are staying away and the economy is struggling, with the country’s statistical office announcing one day after the referendum that unemployment has risen to a record high of 13 percent. The lira is weaker against the dollar than it has been since 1981.

‘Nothing Left’

Frustration with the government could explode into violence at any time, particularly in southeastern Turkey, where people have been suffering under massive state repression for months. Thousands have lost their lives in battles between Turkish soldiers and PKK rebels while hundreds of thousands more have been forced to leave their hometowns.

Kazim Örmek, 63, clearly remembers celebrating on the streets of his hometown Diyarbakir in June 2015 after the Kurdish party HDP won seats in Turkish parliament. He hoped that lasting peace would be the result, but was quickly disappointed. Shortly after the election, Erdogan reversed course and returned to the bellicose policies of the 1990s. The military began bombarding Diyarbakir and Örmek’s house was destroyed. He now lives with his family in a rental on the outskirts of the city. Through the window, one can hear the roaring of the warplanes as they take off from the Diyarbakir on their way to bomb PKK positions in northern Iraq. “We have nothing left,” he says.

Desperation can be seen on every corner of Diyarbakir. The historic city center lies in ruins following months of fighting and the shops are empty. Furthermore, the military has set up myriad roadblocks, where cars are searched and papers are checked. Tanks frequently roll through the city streets.

In the months leading up to the referendum, the government essentially outlawed the HDP, arresting 13 parliamentarians, including the two heads of the party, along with 84 mayors and several thousand functionaries. Party rallies were also banned.

People in the Kurdish areas of the country essentially had little choice but to vote on the constitutional referendum in a state of siege. Soldiers patrolled in front of the polling stations and election observers were arrested. But despite the intimidation efforts, eight out of 10 eligible voters in Turkey’s southwest cast their ballots last Sunday.

The government has pointed out that several HDP voters in Kurdish provinces defected to the “yes” camp and has interpreted that as a sign that its anti-terrorism policies are working. But accusations of electoral fraud were particularly numerous in the southwest, with one election observation organization reporting that in almost 1,000 Kurdish polling places, not a single “no” vote was recorded. In addition, tens of thousands of internally displaced people were not allowed to take part in the vote because they do not have a permanent place of residence. Nevertheless, a particularly substantial number of people in Kurdish areas voted “no.”

Into the Abyss

They now feel, similar to Örmek, that they have yet again been betrayed. Rumors of electoral manipulation have confirmed the suspicions of many Kurds that the Turkish government cannot be trusted. Young people in particular are now turning to the PKK or other militant groups.

The country needs a conciliator, a leader who can reduce the current tensions and reconcile antagonistic elements of society. It needs the opposite of Erdogan.

The Turkish president has based his entire career on polarization and on dividing his friends from his foes. He relies heavily on Islamist, nationalist rhetoric. Had he enjoyed a large margin of victory in the referendum, he may very well have made concessions to his opponents, but now he will attempt to consolidate his power by way of intimidation and violence.

On Monday evening, Erdogan gave a speech from the balcony of the presidential palace in Ankara, his voice hoarse and his eyes squinted. “The crusader mentality in the West and its servants at home have attacked us,” he cried. “But we as a nation were unshaken.” As he did during the campaign leading up to the referendum, Erdogan once again promised to hold a referendum on the reintroduction of the death penalty. “We aren’t interested in what Georg, Hans or Helga think. We only care what Ayse, Fatma, Ahmet and Mehmet have to say.”

The government has extended the state of emergency, which has been in place since last summer’s failed coup, by three months. Erdogan no longer sees himself as the representative of all citizens of Turkey, he is only interested in being the patron of the 51.4 percent that voted “yes” last Sunday. He considers everyone else to be terrorists and coup supporters. Since the failed coup, more than 100,000 civil servants have been suspended and almost 50,000 people have been arrested. Now, the next wave of arrests is likely to be on the horizon.

It looks as though there is nobody left in the government who could mollify the president. Long-time Erdogan confidants, such as former president Abdullah Gül, have withdrawn from politics and internal party critics would likely only have risked sticking their necks out had a majority voted against the constitutional reform.

In this entire process, the European Union has been relegated to the sidelines, looking on with no input whatsoever. The EU failed to deepen ties with Turkey at time several years ago when the country was more open to the West. Now, it can do nothing but watch as the Turkish drama unfolds.

Erdogan may ultimately stumble over his own hubris. But for the time being, the president seems determined to pull the country into the abyss along with him.

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An Analysis of Cybercriminal Communications Strategies

Flashpoint analysts have observed that when criminals invite other community members to interact with them outside of the forum, they often leave their contact information at the end of the message (e.g. “ICQ: 9999999”) or express a preference for the platform on which they prefer to interact.

Source: An Analysis of Cybercriminal Communications Strategies

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An Analysis of Cybercriminal Communications Strategies

Flashpoint’s latest research examines how cybercriminals across multiple regions have evolved their communication strategies. Based on Deep & Dark Web data collected between 2012 and 2016, the report analyzes the use of ten messaging services* among Russian, Spanish, French, Arabic, Chinese, Persian/Farsi, and English-speaking cybercriminals.

This research addresses the following questions:

•  Which nation state is the trendsetter in selecting messaging services and why?

•  The widespread popularity of which messaging service demonstrates that convenience often outweighs sophistication?

•  Which application was most popular among English-speaking cybercriminals in 2012 and what do those results look like today?

This research aims to help security and risk teams direct intelligence-led initiatives while cultivating an increased understanding of the complex variables driving cybercrime.

Messaging services include: ICQ, Skype, Jabber, PGP, AOL Instant Messenger, Telegram, WeChat, QQ, WhatsApp and Kik

READ FULL STUDY. Flashpoint_Cybercrime_Economy

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BLAME IT ON “KURU”………….

The term kuru derives from the Fore word kuria or guria (“to shake”),[1] due to the body tremors that are a classic symptom of the disease and kúru itself means “trembling”.
The term kuru derives from the Fore word kuria or guria (“to shake”),[1] due to the body tremors that are a classic symptom of the disease and kúru itself means “trembling”.

Source: BLAME IT ON “KURU”………….

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BLAME IT ON “KURU”………….

In April of 2013, Time magazine obtained a video that had been smuggled out of Syria by a “rebel fighter.” Aryn Baker writes for Time magazine, May 12, 2013:

In the video a man who is believed to be a rebel commander named Khalid al-Hamad, who goes by the nom de guerre Abu Sakkar, bends over the government soldier, knife in hand. With his right hand he moves what appears to be the dead man’s heart onto a flat piece of wood or metal lying across the body. With his left hand he pulls what appears to be a lung across the open cavity in the man’s chest. According to two of Abu Sakkar’s fellow rebels, who said they were present at the scene, Abu Sakkar had cut the organs out of the man’s body. The man believed to be Abu Sakkar then works his knife through the flesh of the dead man’s torso before he stands to face the camera, holding an organ in each hand. “I swear we will eat from your hearts and livers, you dogs of Bashar,” he says, referring to supporters of Syrian President Bashar Assad. Off camera, a small crowd can be heard calling out “Allahu akbar” — God is great. Then the man raises one of the bloodied organs to his lips and starts to tear off a chunk with his teeth.

IS he a “Kuru” disease Carrier?

“KURU” REASON FOR CANNIBALISM IN SYRIA:   This suggests that the Kuru of the infected Syrian men would have been transmitted BEFORE the civil war.

kuru disease in Syria is spreading-cause eating human body parts, lung, brains- i.e. cannibalism. according to Al-Shafie, the founder of Islamic jurisprudence:  one may eat the flesh of a human body. not a moslim but anybody else.  Al-Azhar university condones this. Obama's speech in 2009-at al-azhar university:  kuru disease in Syria is spreading-cause eating human body parts, lung, brains- i.e. cannibalism. – Saved from shoebat.com

ABOUT “KURU”

Kuru is a very rare, incurable neurodegenerative disorder which was prevalent among the Fore people of Papua New Guinea in the 1950s and 60s. Kuru is caused by the transmission of abnormally folded prion proteins, which leads to symptoms such as tremors, loss of coordination, and neurodegeneration.

Image result for kuru disease

The term kuru derives from the Fore word kuria or guria (“to shake”),[1] due to the body tremors that are a classic symptom of the disease and kúru itself means “trembling”. It is now widely accepted that kuru was transmitted among members of the Fore tribe of Papua New Guinea via funerary cannibalism. Deceased family members were traditionally cooked and eaten, which was thought to help free the spirit of the dead. Females and children usually consumed the brain, the organ in which infectious prions were most concentrated, thus allowing for transmission of kuru. The disease was therefore more prevalent among women and children.

The disease has lingered due to kuru’s long incubation period of anywhere from 10 to over 50 years. The epidemic has declined, however, from 200 deaths per year in 1957 to 1 or no deaths annually in 2005. Until Syrian civil war began in 2011. Where Two TIME reporters first saw the video in April in the presence of several of Abu Sakkar’s fighters and supporters, including his brother. They all said the video was authentic. We later obtained a copy. […] These 27 seconds of footage provide a glimpse at how brutal the Syrian war has become….

Kuru is an invariably fatal cerebellar ataxia accompanied by tremor, choreiform and athetoid movements (Figure 8, Figure 9, Figure 10)

Figure 8. A young Fore girl in terminal stage of kuru, held by her father. Intravenous and tube feeding permitted her to live on to this advanced stage of disease at the Kuru Hospital, whereas in the village she would have been smothered by her relatives earlier, since her inability to swallow without aspiration of food or water would have caused her otherwise to starve and thirst to death. DCG-57-PNG-1136. Courtesy of late D. Carleton Gajdusek.
Figure 9. A child with advanced kuru who could neither stand nor sit without support. Courtesy of late D. Carleton Gajdusek.
Figure 10. Three kuru patients at the kuru hospital in Okapa requiring support to stand erect. The Fore adolescent supporting the patient on the right, himself had incipient kuru and died within one year. The other two died within six months. Courtesy of late D. Carleton Gajdusek.
   Sagawa  Sagawa was a Japanese student completing an English Literature degree in Paris. He met and then shot a co-ed on June 11, 1981. After her death, he proceeded to cannibalize her over the next two days. Sagawa was eventually arrested by French authorities but deemed unfit for trial due to insanity and was deported. In one of the worst examples of injustice in legal history; a paperwork error allowed Sagawa to simply check himself out of a mental institution after a little more than a year of confinement. He is now a free man living in Japan.
Image result for kURU IN SYRIA
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INDIAN DEFENCE: Army to Get High-tech Robots to Fight the Threat of ‘Dirty Bomb’

“The ‘Robot Sentry’ for example, is a mobile robot targeted at patrolling and surveillance applications in urban campuses, while the ‘Snake Robot’, whose 14 active joints allow lateral undulation, side winding, and rolling gaits to help it navigate difficult passages together can make for a great reconnaissance and surveillance team both in defensive and offensive plans,” a source said, adding that the ‘Wall-climbing’ robot can also partner in this team.

Source: INDIAN DEFENCE: Army to Get High-tech Robots to Fight the Threat of ‘Dirty Bomb’

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INDIAN DEFENCE: Army to Get High-tech Robots to Fight the Threat of ‘Dirty Bomb’

Published: 10 Mar 2017
The project has been going on for the last eight months It will equip India’s armed forces with a host of robots that can work as a team in collaboration, much like our soldiers do Robots occupying forward areas with weapons may still be a far-fetched thought, but India doesn’t want to be lagging behind in providing its armed forces up-to-date artificial intelligence (AI) and robots. Having already made a host of robots with varying uses, the Centre for Artificial Intelligence (CAIR) is now in the process of developing Multi Agent Robotics Framework (MARF)—which could be used in scenarios like the Pathankot Attack—capable of providing myriad of military applications. CAIR, a DRDO lab leading India’s research in artificial intelligence, has been working on this project for more than eight months now and when completed, it will equip India’s armed forces with a host of robots that can work as a team in collaboration, much like our soldiers do. “We will have a multi-layered architecture which will enable collaboration amongst a team of robots. The heterogeneous composition and collaboration capability can effectively contribute in applications such as surveillance, exploration and mapping, search, and rescue, among others. Once developed, MARF could be used to team up existing robots—’Wheeled Robot with Passive Suspension; Snake Robot; Legged Robot; Wall-Climbing Robot and Robot Sentry among others—or see a complete new set of robots built specifically. The different robots the India Army has already built, for instance, can make for a good team if they are able to collaborate. “The ‘Robot Sentry’ for example, is a mobile robot targeted at patrolling and surveillance applications in urban campuses, while the ‘Snake Robot’, whose 14 active joints allow lateral undulation, side winding, and rolling gaits to help it navigate difficult passages together can make for a great reconnaissance and surveillance team both in defensive and offensive plans,” a source said, adding that the ‘Wall-climbing’ robot can also partner in this team. But CAIR, another source said has also begun work on building dependable intelligent mobile robots. “The aim is to equip our armed forces with systems that are self-reliant, adaptable and fault-tolerant,” the source said, adding that this enhances the robots’ ability to complete complex tasks they have to handle autonomously. These robots are being built keeping in mind the current military scenario which demands operations in different conditions—environmental and terrain. Besides, the robots will also be able to work in indoor conditions, enabling deployment at various key establishments. “Intelligence and mobility are critical enablers for unmanned systems targeted for military operations. And, structures vary throughout the Indian landscape. Extensive research in locomotion technologies has been underway to cater to specific needs of these terrain types—mountainous, desert, rural, urban, outdoor and indoor, each present a unique locomotion challenge to a robotic platform,” the source added. Special Algorithms :: Further, robots navigating on their own and performing tasks require a multitude of algorithms running continuously and concurrently to make decisions towards and it is more challenging when we need them to work as one team—talking among themselves, relaying things back to the control centres and take orders—much like soldiers do. “While we’ve built a series of algorithms in the past, things are advancing in artificial intelligence. And this particular system will require a set of special algorithms which are also being developed,” the source said. CAIR has a team working on Robot Perceptions, a key aspect of any such machine. From Simultaneous Planning, Localisation and Mapping (SPLAM) to simple task like navigation, algorithms that don’t fail the robots are crucial.
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